Originally posted by willendure
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In our common law system, the intermediaries legislation (and other legislation) will always be a moving target, but it's especially potent for the question of what constitutes employment because it's an inherently difficult question to answer from the bottom up (based on factors present in employment relationships as seen in real workplaces, rather than using a statutory test) and expectations will also change over time and with context. In short, the upper tribunal and courts have enormous latitude to (re)define it. For example, control is an important test, but it's also a rather tricky test for a highly skilled individual operating in an environment without employees of the client who are similarly skilled individuals. In that case, the autonomy the contractor enjoys may not be very reflective of the contractual relationship they have.
Putting a contract in place that has strong elements of D&C, RoS and MoO is important, but what comes after that is far more important, namely documenting the relationship as reflective of the contract. If you don't have a folder of evidence for each client you've worked with, you are taking a risk, especially because these investigations typically take place years after the engagement has finished. Put anything and everything in that folder, it can be sifted by the professionals later on. Documenting the relationship is the best you can do. Beyond that, hope for the best because, even if you have a very solid and evidenced case, no one wants to go through the stress/hassle of an investigation. They remain relatively rare.
Let's see what Labour does. There are a couple of ways they can knock this on the head or at least narrow the scope dramatically (e.g., leaving moneyboxing as the last "problem"), if they are so inclined. The first is to completely eliminate any tax advantage of self-employment, at least via an intermediary. The October budget and subsequent budgets are the hooks for this. Obviously, any tax advantage has been eroded aggressively in recent years. The second is to introduce a positive statutory test for self-employment, aka strict deeming, which is what many other jurisdictions have. IPSE now seems to favour this, but they should be very careful what they wish for. It will certainly remove flexibility, especially if they focus on the risk of the definition being gamed, because it will then become a very penal test. The hook for this is Labour's employment law reforms, potentially.
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