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"I can still be Prime Minister. This is still on. Absolutely"
It isn't the Hard Brexiteers who will bring down the government it will be the "Remoaners", in particular Ruth Davis and her 13 Conservative MPs, they're almost a separate party now doing their own thing and have nothing to fear from UKIP.
Hard Brexit would then only be possible if the Tories then subsequently got a stonking gr8 majority that would mean the Scottish Conservatives are irrelevant. Is that likely?
I would say, probably not as young people now have learnt to go out and vote. A second election will probably return a minority Labour government propped up by the SNP and Lib-Dems, and you know what that means.
Again, you're missing the point. The default position is now "out", with the only variable being the date of departure, based on a formal request being made to, and unanimously accepted by, the EU27 for a one year delay. In that context, any failure within Parliament to reach an agreed position will result in a chaotic exit. For an EEA-style arrangement to make it through Parliament, the gov't would need to fail (because backbenchers will definitely not accept that, as we've heard from Raab and others today) and a party would need to stand on that manifesto (i.e. free movement) and receive a stonking majority. I would say that, given old people have always know how to vote, the Lib Dem strategy isn't likely to win a majority any time soon. A car crash is now the default outcome unless, in 6-12 months, Labour has lost "momentum" (quite likely, as Korbyn is terrible in Parliament) and the Tories are sufficiently confident to boot Maybot and choose a Brexit-supporting leader who drops the austerity narrative and focuses a little more on younger voters. But it will need to be in 6-12 months, because the Tories would lose an election right now (as in, another Hung Parliament), even with a change in narrative. In 6-12 months, it's still highly doubtful, because voters hate a divided party, and I don't see the Tories remaining as one. At the same time, the arithmetic of FPP makes it's incredibly difficult for Labour to win an outright majority. Basically, we've entered a protracted car crash.
"Home Secretary Amber Rudd would attract just 13 per cent and revile 26 per cent, while Philip Hammond attracts 15 per cent of voters and repulses 23 per cent."
Again, you're missing the point. The default position is now "out", with the only variable being the date of departure, based on a formal request being made to, and unanimously accepted by, the EU27 for a one year delay. In that context, any failure within Parliament to reach an agreed position will result in a chaotic exit. For an EEA-style arrangement to make it through Parliament, the gov't would need to fail (because backbenchers will definitely not accept that, as we've heard from Raab and others today) and a party would need to stand on that manifesto (i.e. free movement) and receive a stonking majority. I would say that, given old people have always know how to vote, the Lib Dem strategy isn't likely to win a majority any time soon. A car crash is now the default outcome unless, in 6-12 months, Labour has lost "momentum" (quite likely, as Korbyn is terrible in Parliament) and the Tories are sufficiently confident to boot Maybot and choose a Brexit-supporting leader who drops the austerity narrative and focuses a little more on younger voters. But it will need to be in 6-12 months, because the Tories would lose an election right now (as in, another Hung Parliament), even with a change in narrative. In 6-12 months, it's still highly doubtful, because voters hate a divided party, and I don't see the Tories remaining as one. At the same time, the arithmetic of FPP makes it's incredibly difficult for Labour to win an outright majority. Basically, we've entered a protracted car crash.
"Home Secretary Amber Rudd would attract just 13 per cent and revile 26 per cent, while Philip Hammond attracts 15 per cent of voters and repulses 23 per cent."
Post-election polling can be dismissed more than regular polling. If you look at post election polls, historically, they always swing to the actual outcome (confirmation bias). They're basically useless as a projection of future sentiment.
Again, you're missing the point. The default position is now "out", .
If there is no progress in the negotiations and the government refuses to budge, the Labour party will simply bring a vote of no confidence in the government and the pro-European Conservatives will abstain.
If I had one, you'd probably do well to assume the opposite, based on my recent record
It has been surprisingly resilient; 1.2 on Cable is a line in the sand now, and it would need to be chaos to cross this (an assumed hard Brexit wasn't enough). It's probably range-bound, 1.25-1.3, until things become clearer. The markets will likely perceive an increased chance of both a soft Brexit and a car-crash. It will swing in the wind depending on the chaos of the day. If Maybot is having a hard day, Cable will too. Other than that, it also depends on the Fed next week (probably rise, but they may bottle it). Eurodollar looks like a pretty decent bet in the short/medium term (long-term, not so much ).
If there is no progress in the negotiations and the government refuses to budge, the Labour party will simply bring a vote of no confidence in the government and the pro-European Conservatives will abstain.
Right, and what happens next? Korbyn doesn't have the numbers for a progressive alliance. Another GE.
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